The Surveillance State and the Surveillance Private Sector: Pathways to Undercover Policing in France and the United States
Keywords:
Undercover policing State building United States and France Political surveillance Private detectivesAbstract
AbstractAs a form of social control, undercover tactics played an important state-building role during the Nineteenth Century, in both the United States and France. Yet undercover policing played this role very differently in France than in the US, which made do with a less developed surveillance capacity at all levels of government. The instability of successive French regimes encouraged French political authorities to expand their use of infiltration and to privilege high policing purposes of undercover tactics over the crime-fighting purposes favored by local elites. And while nineteenth-century France, like the United States, often governed through delegations of authority to local elites, French authorities jealously guarded undercover tactics as their exclusive prerogative. As a result, undercover tactics became a marginal crime-fighting tactic in nineteenth century France, becoming identified primarily with the state's surveillance of its political opponents. In the United States, by contrast, the private sector was able to deploy undercover tactics against suspected criminals, organized labor, political radicals, and purveyors of vice. Though the private sector readily accepted delegations from the public sector, the direction of influence also ran in the opposite direction, from the private sector to the state, as American private sector used undercover tactics to replace, bypass, and harness state institutions in ways that their French counterparts could not. In the United States, the private sector's use of undercover tactics came to shape public policing, as prominent detectives entered government and brought their tactics with them, and as Progressive era reformers took up the undercover tactics pioneered by private detectives, modeled them for the state through public-private partnership, and used them to set the anti-corruption, anti-radical, and anti-vice enforcement agenda of government. If French undercover tactics helped to build the French state from the inside out, by consolidating the state's hold over territory and attempting to control disorder and dissent, American undercover tactics became a vector of private sector influence that helped build the state from the outside in by shaping both investigative means and ends at all levels of government.
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Malka, The Men of Mobtown, 43.
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Dashiell Hammett, “From the Memoirs of a Private Detective,” The Smart Set, subsection 9, March 1923.
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See, for example, Siringo, Cowboy Detective, 245.
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Cited in S. Paul O'Hara, Inventing the Pinkertons, or Spies, Sleuths, Mercenaries, and Thugs (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), 153 Agents provocateurs thus proliferated in the United States as they did in France, and in the years following World War I. But employers “were reluctant to spend money for surveillance in the absence of ‘labor trouble.’ [Private agency] provocateurs produced such trouble and, at the same time, enmeshed unionists, especially strikers and their leaders, in framed charges of law violation… . This entire process of surveillance, propaganda, provocative and aggressive tactics, and control inevitably created a self-perpetuating momentum in the drive to retain and expand the market for anti-union services.” Frank J. Donner, The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980), 32.
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45
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47
J. Anthony Lukas, Big Trouble: A Murder in a Small Western Town Sets off a Struggle for the Soul of America (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1997), 158–64. Infiltration of labor organizations provided private detectives not only with evidence for criminal prosecutions but also with claims to expertise about the Molly Maguires or anarchism and thus with control over definitions of deviance that allowed business interests to conflate labor strife with anarchist violence and union organizing with criminal conspiracies. See Kevin Kenny, Making Sense of the Molly Maguires (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 234–35. It was only with the enactment of the Wagner Act and the La Follette Senate investigation of labor espionage that labor discipline shifted away from private detectives, with unions themselves assuming new duties to exclude radical elements, effectively taking on some of the surveillance roles performed by private detectives in the past. Weiss, Robert P., “Private Detective Agencies and Labour Discipline in the United States, 1855–1946,” The Historical Journal 29 (1986): 103, 106CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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Lukas, Big Trouble, 352.
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Furlong, Fifty Years a Detective, 178.
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William R. Hunt, Front-Page Detective: William J. Burns & The Detective Profession 1880–1930 (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1990), 25, 42.
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John Walton, The Legendary Detective, 42.
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Ibid., 146.
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Morn, “The Eye that Never Sleeps,” 30.
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Ibid., 165.
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Novak, The People's Welfare, 158–61.
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Ibid., 167.
60
Fronc, New York Undercover; and George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890–1940 (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 145–46. (During World War I, “[t]he Committee of Fourteen … sent agents to the major cruising streets [of New York City]…The Society for the Suppression of Vice played the most active role in the wartime crusade against homosexuality…orchestrating police raids of clubs, theaters, bath houses, subway washrooms, and restaurants.”)
61
Richard Zacks, Island of Vice: Theodore Roosevelt's Quest to Clean up Sin-Loving New York (New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing, 2012).
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Fronc, New York Undercover, 19.
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Ibid., 44.
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Stephen Robertson, “Harlem Undercover: Vice Investigators, Race, and Prostitution, 1910–1930,” Journal of Urban History 35 (2009): 486.
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Zacks, Island of Vice, 192.
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Ibid., 262.
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Ibid., 273.
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“In the early twentieth century, it was possible to make one's living as a professional vice investigator and George J. Kneeland, the most famous and important of [the New York Committee of Fourteen's] investigators, did just that.” Thomas C. Mackey, Pursuing Johns: Criminal Law Reform, Defending Character, and New York City's Committee of Fourteen, 1920–1930 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2005), 27.
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Mackey, Pursuing Johns, 28.
72
See, for example, Jennifer Fronc's discussion of notarized “Disorder House Forms,“ which were filled out by private undercover investigators, and were admissible as evidence to document prostitution in violation of New York's Tenement House Law of 1901, in support of legal action initiated by the Committee of Fifteen. Fronc, New York Undercover, 44–48.
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Thomas Mackie, Pursuing Johns, 27; Barnes, Clifford, “The Story of the Committee of Fifteen of Chicago,” Journal of Social Hygiene 4 (1918): 145–56Google Scholar.
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Gilfoyle, “The Moral Origins of Political Surveillance,” 648.
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Fronc, New York Undercover, 148; Christopher Capozzola, Uncle Sam Wants You: World War 1 and the Making of the Modern American Citizen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 123; Jessica R. Pliley, Policing Sexuality: The Mann Act and the Making of the FBI (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 120; and Scott W. Stern, The Trials of Nina McCall: Sex, Surveillance, and the Decades-Long Government Plan to Imprison ‘Promiscuous’ Women (Boston: Beacon Press, 2018), 44.
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Robertson, “Harlem Undercover,” 499.
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Weiss, “Private Detective Agencies,” 107.
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“The [Anti-Saloon] League was viewed as the organization chiefly responsible for adoption of a national prohibition amendment to the Constitution (the Eighteenth Amendment) and as the principal force pushing for compliance with the Volstead Act.” Jack S. Blocker, Jr., American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1988), 95–96. When the United States entered World War I, the anti-Saloon League “seized every opportunity to associate beer with the enemy.” Ibid., 118. Navy Secretary Josephus Daniels’ set up “dry” zones around military camps to promote the war preparedness of the fighting force, while business elites and magnates like John D. Rockefeller and Henry Ford saw Prohibition as a means of “bolstering an efficient workforce.” Lisa McGirr, The War On Alcohol: Prohibition and the Rise of the American State (New York: W.W. Norton, 2016), 33, 29.
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“During the 1920s…[g]overnment agents assumed responsibilities that private, social reform organizations had held from the nineteenth century through World War 1. Federal agents, pursuing Prohibition or Mann act prosecutions occasionally struck temporary coalitions with private organizations, but the private organizations were increasingly supplanted by agencies of the federal government.” Fronc, New York Undercover, 185.
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Isidore Einstein, Prohibition Agent No. 1 (New York: Frederick A Stokes Co., 1932).
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Jacob Soll, The Information Master: Jean-Baptiste Colbert's Secret State Intelligence System (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2009).
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On the complicated origins of the treatise, see Steven L. Kaplan and Vincent Milliot, “La police de Paris, une ‘révolution permanente’? Du commissaire Lemaire au lieutenant de police Lenoir, les tribulations du Mémoire sur l'administration de la police (1770–1792),” in Denys, Marin, and Milliot, Reformer la police, 69–115.
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Ibid., 81.
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Ibid., 65.
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Ibid., 64–65.
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Ibid., 74, 76.
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Ibid., 64–65.
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Kaplan and Milliot, “La Police de Paris,” 92.
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Ibid., 73. See also, Dominique Monjardet and René Lévy, “Undercover Policing in France: Elements for Description and Analysis” in Fijnaut and Marx, Undercover, 30.
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“Introduction,” in Denys, Marin, and Milliot, Réformer la police, 10.
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Lemaire, Mémoire, 61–62.
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Ibid., 50–51.
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Ibid., 62–63.
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Prefecture de police, Ordonnance concernant les travestissements et déguisements pendant les jours dits du Carnaval, 21 Pluviôse an IX de la Republique (February 3, 1803), published in Journal des Debats, 23 Pluviôse [February 12, 1801], quoted in Alphonse Aulard, ed., Paris sous le Consulat, 4 vols. (Paris: Librairie Leopold Cert, 1904), 2:169–70.
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P. Manuel, La police de Paris devoilée par l'un des administrateurs de 1789 (Paris: J.-B. Garnery, 1791); and Vincent Milliot, “Ecrire pour policer: les ‘mémoires’ policiers, 1750–1850,” in Les Mémoires Policiers 1750–1850, ed. Vincent Milliod (Rennes: Presse Universitaire de Rennes, 2006), 15–41, at 33.
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Kaplan and Milliot, “La Police de Paris,” 88.
98
The phrase is Vincent Milliot's, in “Ecrire pour policer,” 33.
99
Quentin Deluermoz, Policiers dans la Ville: La construction d'un ordre public a Paris, 1854–1914 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2012), 29.
100
François-Louis Esprit Dubois, commissaire général de police, Comptes des dépenses du commissaire général de police de Lyon, Séance du 18 Pluviôse an XI (Procès-verbaux des séances publiés par la municipalité d'après les manuscrits originaux (1800–1879) (Lyon: Imprimerie Lyonnaise, 1913. Tome I: an ix-an XIV), reproduced in Milliot, ed., Les Mémoires Policiers, Appendix 8, 409.
101
Jacques Peuchet, Du Ministère de la Police Générale (Paris: Imprimerie de C.F. Patris, 1814), 18; and Ethel Groffier, Un Encyclopédiste Réformateur. Jacques Peuchet (1758–1830) (Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval, 2009).
102
Pierre Karila-Cohen, “Du maintien de l'ordre à l'expertise du social. Jacques Peuchet et la crise de la police à l’âge liberal: reflexion sur un texte de 1814,” in Les Mémoires Policiers, 251–69, at 266.
103
Instruction of Prefect of Lyon to police commissioners in 1822, cited in John Merriman, Police Stories: Building the French State 1815–1851 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 92.
104
John Merriman, Police Stories, 111.
105
Denys, Marin, and Milliot, “Introduction,” in Réformer la police, 13; Milliot, Vincent, “Réformer les polices urbaines au siècle des Lumières: le révelateur de la mobilité,” Crime, histoire et societés 10 (2006): 25–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gens de passage en Mediterranée de l'Antiquitité à la periode moderne. Procédures de contrôle et d'identification, ed. Claudia Moatti and Wolfgang Kaiser (Paris: G.P. Maisonneuve and Larose, 2007).
106
Jean-Francois Tanguy, “Autorité de l'Etat et libertés locales: le commissaire central de Rennes face au maire et au préfet (1870–1914),” in Maintien de l'ordre et polices en France et Europe au xix siècle, ed. Philippe Vigier (Paris: Creaphis, 1987), 167–182; see also Dominique Kalifa and Pierre Karila-Cohen, Le commissaire de police au xix siècle (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2008), 19.
107
Steven Kaplan and Vincent Milliot see this heightened emphasis on surveillance as a response to growing unrest caused by the relative deregulation of grain prices and the riots that exploded once grain prices tripled. Kaplan and Milliot in “La Police de Paris,” in Réformer la Police, 74.
108
Merriman, Police Stories, 179. Deluermoz, Policiers dans la Ville, 30–31.
109
Deluermoz, Policiers dans la Ville, 38.
110
Ibid., 19.
111
“Rapport du directeur de la Sureté Générale au Ministère de l'Interieur (Constans) sur le Role, l'Utilité d'une Police Politique Nombreuse, Organisée et Efficace dans la Republique,” archives nationales [an f7 12708], in Berlière and Lévy, Histoire des polices en France, 728–31.
112
Malcolm Anderson, In Thrall to Political Change: Police and Gendarmerie in France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 270–72.
113
Louis Lépine, Mes Souvenirs (Paris: Payot, 1929).
114
Berlière and Lévy, Histoire des Polices en France, 149.
115
Denys, Marin, and Milliot, “Introduction,” in Réformer la Police, 17.
116
But surveillance of the workforce had a longer tradition; the abolition of the Parisian professional guilds in 1776 first prompted the police to take over surveillance of apprentices from the guilds. Clive Emsley, “From Ex-Con to Expert: The Police Detective in Nineteenth Century France,” in Police Detectives in History, ed. Clive Emsley and Haia Shpayer-Makov (London: Routledge Press, 2017), 61–77, at 63.
117
“Rapport du Directeur,” in Berlière and Levy, Histoire des Polices, 730.
118
Stead, “Joseph Fouché: the Napoleonic Model of Police,” in Pioneers in Policing, 64–81, 72.
119
Jill Harsin, Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth Century Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 198 (noting that official regulation of prostitution “allowed many perfectly ordinary contacts with the police, so that the opportunity and the motive were there for the prostitutes to give information”).
120
Lemaire, Mémoire, 93.
121
Canler, Mémoires de Canler, 119.
122
Marie-Francois Goron, L'Amour à Paris (Paris: Ernest Flammarion,1899), 199–201.
123
Louis Andrieux, Souvenirs d'un Préfet de Police (Paris: Jules Rouff, 1885), 2:21–22.
124
Stephanie A. Limoncelli, “International Voluntary Associations, Local Social Movements and State Paths to the Abolition of Regulated Prostitution in Europe, 1875–1950,” International Sociology 21 (2006): 31, 35; and Vern Bullough and Bonnie Bullough, Women and Prostitution: A Social History (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1987).
125
Harsin, Policing Prostitution, 251.
126
Ibid., 200, quoting the landlady of a young Frenchwoman arrested for streetwalking in 1816.
127
Stern, The Trials of Nina McCall, 13.
128
Marie-Francois Goron, L'Amour Criminel (Paris: André Versaille, 1899/2009), 54.
129
Harsin, Policing Prostitution, 264.
130
Limoncelli, “International Voluntary Associations,” 45; Harsin, Policing Prostitution, 327; and Corbin, Alain, Women for Hire, Prostitution and Sexuality in France After 1850 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1990), 221–22Google Scholar.
131
Harsin, Policing Prostitution, 324–26.
132
Pliley, Policing Sexuality, 35–37.
133
Harsin, Policing Prostitution, 326–27, 338–39; and Corbin, Women for Hire, 220–22.
134
Kalifa, Dominique, Naissance de la Police Privée (Paris: Pion, 2002), 127Google Scholar.
135
Ibid.
136
Corbin, Women for Hire, 326-27.
137
Ibid.
138
Kalifa, Naissance, 277–78.
139
César, Paul, Souvenirs d'un Détective (Lyon: Les Editions du Fleuve, 1926), 113Google Scholar.
140
Ibid., 114.
141
Berlière and Lévy, Histoire des Polices, 645.
142
Ibid., 76.
143
Ibid., 87.
144
Ibid., 645.
145
Perrin, Eric, Vidocq (Paris: France Loisirs, 2001), 244–45Google Scholar; and Kalifa, Naissance, 43–45, 55.
146
Kalifa, Dominique, Histoire des détectives privés en France (1832–1942) (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2007), 240Google Scholar.
147
Kalifa, Naissance, 172–73, 222.
148
Ibid., 200–201.
149
Ibid., 19.
150
Kalifa, Detectives Privés, 19.
151
Berlière and Lévy, Histoire des polices, 149.
152
Capozzola, Uncle Sam Wants You, 53; Fronc, New York Undercover, 148; and Pliley, Policing Sexuality, 120.
153
Loi no. 91–1264 du 19 decembre 1991 relative au renforcement de la lutte contre le trafic des stupefiants.
154
Undercover policing was legalized for organized crime and terrorism investigation as part of the “loi du 9 mars 2004 portant sur l'adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité,” known as the “loi Perben II.”
