Heart Transplants, Legislating Death, and Disruptive Anti-Apartheid Advocacy
Keywords:
Heart transplantation Apartheid South Africa Anti-Apartheid activism Organ harvesting Medical ethicsAbstract
AbstractIn December 1967, South African surgeon Christiaan Barnard astonished the world by becoming the first to successfully transplant a human heart. In the months that followed, a French Anti-Apartheid Committee proposed an international law to prohibit the harvest of prisoners' organs as French activists combined human rights and legal strategies to question the legality and ethics of Barnard's success. From a South Africa eager to present itself as modern and technologically advanced came an attempt to legislate use of organs from “living donors” in unspecified “authorized institutions.” In physicians' professional discussion of donor selection at an international heart transplantation symposium that Barnard convened in Cape Town, capital punishment figured as a proxy for race. Moving between South Africa, France and the United States, this article examines anti-apartheid activism, legislative innovation, and heart surgeons' attempts to normalize cerebral death and increase donors that followed the medical breakthrough in Cape Town, South Africa. It contributes to human rights history by showing how the French Anti-Apartheid Committee drew on transnational advocacy networks and legal strategies that predated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, emphasizing collective over individual rights, deploying strategies of rupture, and actively pursuing a racially conscious, anticolonial solidarity.
References
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By May 6, 1969, a total of 130 heart transplants had been performed (72 of them in the United States), and 95 of the recipients were dead. Only sixteen lived longer than 6 months. Symposium mondial sur la transplantation cardiaque, Heart Transplantation: Second World Symposium (Québec: Les Presses de l'Université Laval, 1970), 68–69.
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11
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La contemporaine (LC), Fonds Jean-Jacques de Félice (hereafter FJJF), Comité français contre l'Apartheid (hereafter CFCA), Bulletin February–March 1968, 6. United Nations, E.4475 and E.CN-4.972, Commission on Human Rights, Report on the Twenty-Fourth Session, February 5 to March 12 1968. At the time I researched them, the FJJF files had not yet been sorted and catalogued. Here I have listed them by the file names given by the donor. For an overview of the collection, see Barry, Bassirou, “Les archives de Jean-Jacques de Félice: témoignages d'un combat,” Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 115–16 (2015): 6–11Google Scholar.
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18
For the opposite contention, see Moyn, Last Utopia, 86. A comprehensive, collaborative rebuttal is: A. Dirk Moses, Marco Duranti, and Roland Burke, eds., Decolonization, Self-Determination, and the Rise of Global Human Rights Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020). For earlier studies of the articulation between human rights and anticolonialism, see: Roland Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of Human Rights (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 2010); Terretta, Meredith, “‘We Had Been Fooled into Thinking that the UN Watches over the Entire World’: Human Rights, UN Trust Territories, and Africa's Decolonization,” Human Rights Quarterly 34 (2012): 329–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Liu, Lydia, “Shadows of Universalism: The Untold Story of Human Rights around 1948,” Critical Inquiry 40 (2014): 385–417CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ibhawoh, Bonny, “Testing the Atlantic Charter: Linking Anticolonialism, Self-Determination and Universal Human Rights,” International Journal of Human Rights 18 (2014): 842–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
19
A critical overview history of human rights NGOs is: Jan Eckel, “NGOs and Human Rights Since the 1940s,” in The Cambridge World History of Rights, Volume 5: The Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries, ed. Samuel Moyn and Meredith Terretta (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
20
On a global anti-apartheid movement as a particular form of human rights struggle informed by solidarity see Rob Skinner, “Humanitarianism and Human Rights in Global Anti-Apartheid,” in A Global History of Anti-Apartheid: “Forward to Freedom” in South Africa, ed. Anna Konieczna and Rob Skinner (Baskingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 33–65. See also Hakan Thörn, Anti-apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
21
On the LDH see W.D. Irvine, Between Justice and Politics: The Ligue des Droits de l'Homme , 1898-1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006); and Emmanuel Naquet, Pour l'Humanité: La Ligue des droits de l'homme de l'affaire Dreyfus à la défaite de 1940 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2014).
22
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Israël, Robes noires.
24
Christianisme social was a Third Worldist ecumenical group. At the time, its leaders sought to articulate liberation theology and revolutionary Marxism in order to enable leftist Christians and Marxists to join in a “common action” against world capitalism, of which apartheid and neocolonialism were virulent symptoms. See Rich, Arthur, “La révolution, un problème théologique,” Christianisme social 1–2 (1967): 5Google Scholar; Giulio Girardi, “Chrétiens et Marxistes face au problème de la paix,” Christianisme social 3–4 (1967): 225–44.
25
Anna Konieczna describes the origins of anti-apartheid activism in France as slow and fragmented, taking shape through a series of circumstantial and more permanent committees. Intellectual Third Worldism and Pan-African solidarities, nourished through African student organizations active in France, also played a role. See her “La France, l'Afrique du Sud et les solidarités transnationales : l'activité du premier mouvement anti-apartheid français,” in Les nouvelles formes de contestation, ed. Emma Bell and Jean-Marie Ruiz (Chambéry: Université Savoie Mont Blanc, 2017), 123–46. To enhance readability, I use the name “French Anti-Apartheid Committee” throughout the text.
26
Konieczna, “La France,” 126.
27
On the Mathiot trial see Croissant, Pierre, “L'affaire Mathiot, épisode montbéliardais de la guerre d'Algérie,” Extrait du Bulletin de la Société d'Emulation de Montbéliard 132 (2010): 1–28Google Scholar; and Ricoeur, Paul, “Le cas Etienne Mathiot,” Foi-Education 28 (1958): 45–47Google Scholar.
28
On the relationship between the United Nations and the French Anti-Apartheid Committee, see Anna Konieczna, “‘We the People of the United Nations’: The UN and the Global Campaigns Against Apartheid,” in Global History of Anti-Apartheid, 67–103.
29
Terretta, “Anti-Colonial Lawyering.”
30
On this point, see Sylvie Bernay, L'Eglise de France face à la persecution des Juifs, 1940–1944 (Paris: CNRS Editions, 2012). On Third Worldist humanitarianism in France see Eleanor Davey, Idealism beyond Borders: The French Revolutionary Left and the Rise of Humanitarianism, 1954–1988 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
31
LC, FJJF, Jean-Jacques de Félice to Jean-Paul Sartre, October 26, 1966.
32
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud, CFCA, “Quelques précisions sur le Comité, sa nature, ses objectifs, ses moyens d'action…” n.d. [1968].
33
See Jules-Rosette, Benetta, “Jean-Paul Sartre and the Philosophy of Négritude: Race, Self, and Society,” Theory and Society 36 (2007): 265–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Paige Arthur, Unfinished Projects: Decolonization and the Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre (New York: Verso Books, 2010) for an account of Sartre's philosophical and intellectual progression toward Third Worldism. On Christian revolutionary humanitarianism, see Bouwman, Bastiaan, “From Religious Freedom to Social Justice: The Human Rights Engagement of the Ecumenical Movement from the 1940s to the 1970s,” Journal of Global History (2018): 252–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a focus on revolutionary Christianity emerging from Algerian decolonization in France, see Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016). On the New Left's engagement with the “Third World” more generally, see Christoph Kalter, The Discovery of the Third World: Decolonization and the Rise of the New Left in France, c. 1950–1976 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
34
See Supplément, Cité nouvelle, January 26, 1967, for Sartre's keynote speech as well as the words of Daniel Mayer, John Collins, and others.
35
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud, CFCA: Conférence de Presse et Réunion publique organisées à Paris le 9 novembre 1966, Supplément, Cité nouvelle, January 26, 1967.
36
Ibid.
37
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud, Message from Jean-Paul Sartre to the European Conference Against Apartheid, Paris, May 6–7, 1967.
38
See also de Félice's previous legal analysis: “La législation de l'Afrique du Sud,” Christianisme social 7–8 (1964): 457–65.
39
The laws de Félice analyzed included: Natives (Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents) Act of 1952; the Bantu Education Act of 1953; the Natives Labour (Settlement for Disputes) Act of 1953; the Group Areas Act of 1950 and amended in 1957; the Immorality Act of 1957; and the Bantu Laws Amendment of 1964.
40
Terretta, “Legalism and Rights Claims across the French Empire”; Terretta, “Anti-Colonial Lawyering”; and Michael Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis: Interwar Paris and the Seeds of Third World Nationalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
41
Biopolitics in a Foucaultian sense are certainly at play in state actors’ orchestration of the redefinition of death to accommodate heart transplants. My meaning in this instance is more direct and explicit, yet nonetheless follows what is implied in Achille Mbembe's Foucault-derived theory of necropolitics, which posits that modes of white supremacist governance have historically forged spaces and subjectivities that directly and indirectly expose increasing numbers of subjugated populations to death. Achille Mbembe, Necropolitics (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019).
42
Edward C. Harperin, “Barnard”; Christiaan Barnard, One Life (London: Harrap, 1969); and David Cooper, Christiaan Barnard: The Surgeon Who Dared (Brimscombe, UK: Fronthill Media, 2018).
43
Christopher Hitchens, “Christiaan Barnard's Doctored Past,” The Guardian, September 5, 2001, https://www.theguardian.com/education/2001/sep/05/highereducation.uk1 (accessed November 16, 2021).
44
Stanley Uys, “Apartheid and the Surgeon's Knife,” Globe and Mail, January 9, 1968, 7.
45
Donald McRae, Every Second Counts: The Extraordinary Race to Transplant the First Human Heart (London: Simon & Schuster, 2006).
46
Louis Dombrowski, “US at Heart of First Transplant Barnard,” Chicago Tribune, December 30, 1967, 31.
47
Benjamin Pogrund, “Political Knives out for Barnard,” The Times, November 9, 1969, 6.
48
“Extreme Right Politics Denounced by Barnard,” Globe and Mail, November 10, 1969, 2.
49
“Professor Barnard in Protest over Colour Bar,” The Times, December 16, 1970, 5.
50
Lawrence K. Altman, “Christiaan Barnard, 78, Surgeon for First Heart Transplant, Dies. Obituary,” New York Times, September 3, 2001, A1.
51
“Apartheid Not the Answer,” Washington Post, August 4, 1969, A8.
52
“South Africa Puts a Crimp in Dr. Barnard's’ Lifestyle,” Globe and Mail, September 6, 1979, 3.
53
“A Celebrity of World Medicine. Interview with Doctor Christiaan Barnard,” Frontline: India's National Magazine, 14, No. 21, 18–31, October 1997, https://frontline.thehindu.com/science-and-technology/a-celebrity-of-world-medicine/article6811267.ece (May 22, 2019).
54
Emilios Christodoulidis, “Strategies of Rupture,” Law and Critique 20 (2009): 3–26.
55
Jean-Jacques de Félice, “Merci docteur d'avoir accepté ce coeur,” Témoignage chrétien, January 11, 1968, 14.
56
CFCA, Bulletin, Febuary–March 1968, 4.
57
Ibid., 3.
58
A. Brodiez, Le Secours populaire français, 1945–2000: Du communisme à l'humanitaire (Paris: Les Presses Sciences Po, 2006).
59
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud—Greffe du Coeur, Communiqué, 27 décembre 1967.
60
Le Figaro, December 25, 1967, as quoted in FC, FJJF.
61
L. S. Smith, “The Acquisition of Human Tissue for Transplantation Purposes: Legal Requirements in South Africa,” South African Medical Journal 41.48 (1967): 1274–76, at 1275.
62
Ibid., 1275.
63
Ibid., 1275.
64
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud, CFCA, Communiqué, 2 janvier 1968.
65
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud – Greffe du Coeur, E. Mathiot à de Félice, n.d., apparently December 1967.
66
The review was launched a quarter century before as a clandestine newspaper promoting spiritual resistance during World War II. Sylvie Bernay, “Le Père Michel Riquet. Du philosémitisme d'action lors des années sombres au dialogue interreligieux,” Archives Juives 40 (2007): 100–116, at 106.
67
Of course, de Félice was not the only one to subject the South African heart transplants to racial analysis. A good overview comparing contemporary commentary on South African and United States heart transplants is Maya Overby Koretzky, “‘A Change of Heart’: Racial Politics, Scientific Metaphor and Coverage of 1968 Interracial Heart Transplants in the African American Press,” Social History of Medicine 30 (2016): 408–28. For a historical examination of the racial fault lines in organ transplantation and blood transfusion more broadly, see Susan E. Lederer, Flesh and Blood: Organ Transplantation and Blood Transfusion in Twentieth-Century America (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
68
Eric Hobsbawm made a related observation regarding medical experiments on persons deemed socially inferior in the postwar United States. See Eric Hobsbawm, On History (New York: New Press, 1997), 260–261.
69
Jean-Jacques de Félice, “Merci docteur d'avoir accepté ce coeur,” Témoignage chrétien, January 11, 1968, 14.
70
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud—Greffe du Coeur, Mathiot à de Félice, s.d.
71
“Mort et résurrection d'un mandarin. Le cas du professeur Soulié,” Esprit 376 (1968): 772–81.
72
Barnard received funds from the South African Information Department to meet his expenses for international travel. The department was later disbanded, and its chief, Eschel Rhoodie, whom Barnard characterized as his close friend, was brought up on charges for fraud or theft. “South Africa puts a crimp in Dr. Barnard's lifestyle,” The Globe and Mail, September 6, 1979, 3.
73
Smith, “Acquisition,” 1274–76.
74
Conflicting accounts and memories abound. Compare, for example, Marius Barnard with Simon Norval, Defining Moments: An Autobiography (Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2011), 149, 157; and McRae, Every Second Counts, 192.
75
“Obituary,” The Lancet, June 2, 2007, 1650–51. See also Lock, Twice Dead, 85. On January 2, 1968, the very day of Barnard's second transplant, in accordance with the Suppression of Communism Act 44 of 1950, the South African government decreed an ordinance of official sanction against Dr. Hoffenberg, prohibiting him from teaching or accessing a university or school. Hoffenberg was not a communist but supported the Liberal Party and the Defence and Aid Fund that John Collins coordinated. The official order excluded Hoffenberg from the university campus where the hospital was located, thus preventing him from further involvement in the fate of his patient. Hoffenberg went into exile the same month and took up a position at the National Institute of Research in London. “Le Professeur Barnard arrive vendredi à Paris,” Le Monde, February 2, 1968, https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1968/02/02/le-professeur-barnard-arrive-vendredi-a-paris_2478123_1819218.html (accessed November 16, 2021).
76
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud-Greffe du Coeur, Rapport du Dr. Pierre Vernant remis au Comité contre l'Apartheid le 10 février 1968.
77
LC, FJJF, Dossier Afrique du Sud-Greffe du Coeur, Bernard Lauzanne à de Félice, 28 février 1968.
78
H. A. Shapiro, “Heart Grafting in Man,” Journal of Forensic Medicine 15 (1968): 1–4, at 1.
79
Ibid., 3.
80
Ibid., 4.
81
Unless otherwise indicated, information about the symposium is taken from H. A. Shapiro, Experience with Human Heart Transplantation: Proceedings of the Cape Town Symposium, 13–16 July 1968 (Durban: Butterworths, 1969).
82
Barnard, Defining Moments, 119. For more on Cooley and the heart program he ran, see Thomas Thompson, Hearts: Of Surgeons and Transplants, Miracles and Disasters along the Cardiac Frontier (New York: McCall Publishing 1971). Cooley's memoir is Denton A. Cooley, 100,000 Hearts: A Surgeon's Memoir (Austin, TX: Briscoe Center of American History, 2012).
83
Heart Transplantation, 59.
84
Ibid. On Velva Schrire, see Halperin, “Christiaan Neethling Barnard,” 1078. At the time of the symposium, Barnard and Schrire had coauthored and published at least three articles and one book on cardiac surgery.
85
United Nations Centre against Apartheid, “Capital Punishment in South Africa,” July 1970, 5.
86
James D. Unnever, Francis T. Cullen, and Cheryl Lero Jonson, “Race, Racism, and Support for Capital Punishment,” Crime and Justice 37 (2008): 45–96.
87
Rupert C. Koeninger, “Capital Punishment in Texas, 1924-1968,” Crime & Delinquency 15 (1969): 132–41, at 135.
88
Peter Norbert Bouckaert, “Shutting Down the Death Factory: The Abolition of Capital Punishment in South Africa,” Stanford Journal of International Law 32 (1996): 287–326, at 291.
89
Nathan V. Holt, Jr., “Human Rights and Capital Punishment: The Case of South Africa,” Virginia Journal of International Law 30 (1989): 273–318, at 307.
90
Holt, “Human Rights,” 307.
91
General Law Amendment Act, No. 76 (1962) as quoted in Holt, “Human Rights,” 307.
92
Ibid.
93
Terrorism Act, No. 83 (1967), as quoted in Holt, “Human Rights,” 307.
94
United Nations Centre against Apartheid, “Capital Punishment in South Africa,” July 1970, 9.
95
Holt, “Human Rights,” 307.
96
Ibid., 301.
97
United Nations Centre against Apartheid, “Capital Punishment in South Africa,” July 1970, 4–5.
98
From 1971 to 1980, 841 South Africans were put to death; and from 1981 to 1990, the number climbed to approximately 1,100. The number of executions peaked at 164 in 1987. Holt, “Human Rights,” 294.
99
Hemult Morsbach and Gisela Morsbach, “Attitudes towards Capital Punishment in South Africa: A Cross-Cultural Study,” The British Journal of Criminology 7 (1967): 394–403.
100
Ibid.
101
Heart Transplantation, 59. In fact, the Witherspoon v. Illinois decision of June 3, 1968 did the opposite. In removing from the state unlimited challenge for cause of jurors who might object to the death penalty, it lifted the exclusion of abolitionist jurors from capital punishment cases, enabling a greater, not a lesser, diversity of opinions among jurors.
102
Paris-Match, January 20, 1968, as quoted in CFCA, Bulletin, February–March, 1968, 5.
103
Rapport du Dr Pierre Vernant, Remis au Comité contre l'apartheid le 10 février, as quoted in CFCA, Bulletin, February–March, 1968, 5.
104
Lisa-Maria Packy, Matthis Krischel, and Dominik Gross, “Werner Forssmann—A Nobel Prize Winner and his Political Attitude before and after 1945,” The Journal of Urology 193 (2015): 587.
105
Werner Forssmann, “Verlust an sittlicher Substanz. Zur Frage der Herztransplantation,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 3.1, January 4, 1968, as quoted from translation in FC, FJJF.
106
Heart Transplantation, 39–40.
107
Ibid., 41, 47.
108
Ibid., 49–50.
109
Heart Transplantation, 255–57. The Tucker-Klett transplant, the sixteenth cardiac transplant in the world, was the first interracial transplant in the United States. The Medical Center of Virginia failed to notify Bruce Tucker's next of kin, and his brother, William, brought suit against Dr. Richard R. Lower and the hospital for not obtaining consent and for premature declaration of death. See Koretzky, “Change of Heart,” 422–23.
110
Heart Transplantation, 257, 261. See also “Cape Town Plans Transplant Bills: Anonymity of Donors and Recipients to be Required,” New York Times, December 16, 1968, 10.
111
See Lock, Twice Dead, 89 and Giacomini, Mita, “A Change of Heart and a Change of Mind? Technology and the Redefinition of Death in 1968,” Social Science Medicine 44 (1997): 1465–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
112
“A Definition of Irreversible Coma: Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Harvard Medical School to Examine the Definition of Brain Death,” Journal of the American Medical Association 205.6 (1968): 337–40, at 337.
113
Alfred M. Sadler, Jr, Blair L. Sadler, and E. Blythe Season, “The Uniform Anatomical Gift Act,” Journal of the American Medical Association 206.11 (1968): 2501.
114
“Uniform Anatomical Gift Act (UAGA), Copy of final draft as approved on 30 July 1968 by the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws,” Journal of the American Medical Association 206.11 (1968): 2505–6, at 2506.
115
Loren F. Taylor, “A Statutory Definition of Death in Kansas,” Journal of the American Medical Association 215.2 (1971): 296.
116
Michel Riquet, S.J., took an active role in the Resistance and was deported for it, spending over a year in Dachau. See Edmond Michelet, Rue de la liberté. Dachau 1943-1945 (Paris: Seuil, 1955). Theologically and politically, Riquet sought common ground with Free Masons and Communists, and was committed to promoting interreligious dialogue between Christians and Jews. Bernay, “Le Père Michel Riquet.”
117
Circulaire no. 67 du 24 avril 1968. See also Hennette-Vauchez and Nowenstein, “Dire la mort,” 2009.
118
Graciela Nowenstein, The Generosity of the Dead: A Sociology of Organ Procurement in France (London and New York: Routledge, 2010), 34–42.
119
Shapiro, H. A., “Organ Transplantation and the Law,” Journal of Forensic Medicine 16 (1969): 78Google ScholarPubMed.
120
The South African Anatomical Donations and Post-Mortem Examinations Bill, Journal of Forensic Medicine 16 (1969): 109–10.
121
UAGA, Section 3, 2505.
122
H. A. Shapiro, “New Hearts for Old?” Journal of Forensic Medicine 16 (1969): 118.
123
Ibid.
124
Report on the Select Committee on the Anatomical and Post-Mortem Examinations Bill (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1969).
125
Awol Allo, “Courtroom as a Space of Resistance: Reflections on the Legacy of the Rivonia Trial,” in The Courtroom as a Space of Resistance: Reflections on the Legacy of the Rivonia Trial, ed. Awol Allo (London & New York: Routledge, 2017), 1–19.
126
“Controverse au Cap à propos de la dernière greffe cardiaque du docteur Barnard,” Le Monde, September 13, 1968, https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1968/09/13/controverse-au-cap-a-propos-de-la-derniere-greffe-cardiaque-du-docteur-barnard_2483669_1819218.html (accessed November 16, 2021).
127
“Le professeur Barnard attaque la presse,” Le Monde, September 14, 1968, https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1968/09/14/le-professeur-barnard-attaque-la-presse_2483510_1819218.html (accessed November 16, 2021).
128
“Barnard Stops Using Organs from Blacks,” The Globe and Mail, February 3, 1975, 3.
129
On mixed outcomes as “highly consequential outcomes of international human rights campaigns to be conceptualized in their own right” see Holzer, Elizabeth, “What Happens to Law in a Refugee Camp?” Law & Society Review 47 (2013): 837–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
130
“UN urged to Investigate ‘forced’ organ harvesting in China,” Al Jazeera News, September 25, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/urged-investigate-forced-organ-harvesting-china-190925081434736.html (May 24, 2020).
131
On this point, see Bhandar, Brenna, “Strategies of Legal Rupture: The Politics of Judgment,” Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 30 (2012): 59–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 66–69.
132
Some revisionists argue that, having excised material rights, human rights now operate, albeit perhaps unwillingly, and most often unconsciously, in the service of neoliberalism. See Nils Gilman, “Human Rights and Neoliberalism,” Los Angeles Review of Books, May 8, 2018, https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/human-rights-and-neoliberalism/ (accessed November 16, 2021); Samuel Moyn, Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2018).
133
For a critique of international human rights law as composed of impartial legal norms see Leebaw, Bronwyn, “The Politics of Impartial Activism: Humanitarianism and Human Rights” Perspectives on Politics 5 (2007): 223–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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For contemporary reflections on the politics of transnational solidarity see Çubukçu, Ayça, “The Responsibility to Protect: Libya and the Problem of Transnational Solidarity,” Journal of Human Rights 12 (2013): 40–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
