From Slaves to Índios: Empire, Slavery, and Race (Maranhão, Brazil, c.1740–90)
Keywords:
Indigenous slavery Northern Brazil Portuguese imperial reforms Socio-racial classification Indigenous freedom litigation Enslaved AfricansAbstract
AbstractNorthern Brazil experienced consequential socio-economic and legal transformation by the mid-eighteenth century in the context of imperial reforms. If the region relied for decades on the enslavement of Indigenous Americans, the Portuguese crown banned the practiced in 1755. To develop a plantation economy, the monarchy created a trading company responsible for shipping unprecedented number of enslaved Africans. This article discusses ruptures and continuities on the enslavement of Indigenous Americans. It focuses on one city, São Luís, and makes extensive use of Catholic sources (baptisms and marriages), notarial records, and legal cases. The article analyzes the connection between mechanisms that allowed the resilience of slavery (or forms that resembled slavery) and attempts to claim and preserve freedom or autonomy, in this case the strategic use of the índio status. The article develops two of those mechanisms: social dependencies created within the households and the use of socio-racial classifications by the colonial society. I make two interconnected arguments. First, I propose a bottom-up process of Indigenous slavery abolition. Indigenous workers were savvy litigants and they fought for their place as mobile wage laborers within the city. Second, in that moment of socio-economic and legal transformations, slaveholders developed vernacular practices stressing black maternal origins to slaves.
References
2
It is debatable whether this law can be considered the abolition of Indigenous enslavement or not. Several “just wars” would be declared in the following years; for example, the infamous war against the Botocudos in the early nineteenth century. Yet, the massive enslavement of Indigenous people in Amazonia through official slaving expeditions (tropas de resgate banned in 1747) and private resettlements (descimentos) would never return. Consequently, thousands of Indigenous workers dislocated from the interior to coastal settlements to work on settlers’ farms, ranches, and houses had to navigate this important legal change. For the persistence of Indigenous enslavement, see Miki, Yuko, “Slave and Citizen in Black and Red: Reconsidering the Intersection of African and Indigenous Slavery in Postcolonial Brazil,” Slavery & Abolition 35 (2014): 1–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The law of June 6, 1755, was mentioned in nineteenth-century freedom suits: Keila Grinberg, A Black Jurist in a Slave Society: Antonio Pereira Rebouças and the Trials of Brazilian Citizenship (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), 108.
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An exception is David Sweet, “A Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed: The Middle Amazon Valley, 1640-1750” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1974). On the legislation: Mathias Kiemen, The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614-1693 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1954); Colin Maclachlan, “The Indian Labor Structure in the Portuguese Amazon, 1700-1800,” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil, ed. Dauril Alden (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 199–230; Gross, Sue, “Labor in Amazonia in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century,” The Americas 32 (1975): 211–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Georg Thomas, Política indigenista dos portugueses no Brasil, 1500-1640 (São Paulo: Loyola, 1982); Dauril Alden, “Indian Versus Black Slavery in the State of Maranhão during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in Iberian Colonies, New World Societies: Essays in Memory of Charles Gibson, ed. Richard Garner and William Taylor (University Park: R.L. Garner, 1985), 71–102; Beatriz Perrone-Moisés, “Índios livres e índios escravos: Os princípios da legislação indigenista do período colonial,” in História dos índios no Brasil, ed. Manuela Cunha (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1992), 115–131; and Dias, Camila, “O comércio de escravos indígenas na Amazônia visto pelos regimentos de entradas e de tropas de resgate (séculos XVII e XVIII),” Revista Territórios e Fronteiras 10 (2017): 238–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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Rafael Chambouleyron and Karl Arenz, “Amazonian Atlantic: Cacao, Colonial Expansion and Indigenous Labour in the Portuguese Amazon Region (Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries),” Journal of Latin American Studies 53 (2021): 221–44; Camila Dias and Fernanda Bombardi, “O que dizem as licenças? Flexibilização da legislação e recrutamento particular de trabalhadores indígenas no Estado do Maranhão (1680-1755),” Revista de História 175 (2016): 249–80; and Dias, Camila, “Os índios, a Amazônia e os conceitos de escravidão e liberdade,” Estudos Avançados 33 (2019): 235–52Google Scholar.
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On the structural aspect of the transatlantic slave trade: Fernando Novais, Portugal e Brasil na crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial (1777-1808) (São Paulo: Hucitec, 1981), 102–5; and Luiz Alencastro, O trato dos viventes: Formação do Brasil no Atlântico sul, séculos XVI e XVII (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2000), 126–38.
7
Camila Dias, Fernanda Bombardi, and Eliardo Costa, “Dimensão da população indígena incorporada ao Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará Entre 1680 e 1750: uma ordem de grandeza,” Revista de História 179 (2020): 1–31.
8
David Sweet, “Francisca: Indian Slave,” in Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, ed. David Sweet and Gary Nash (Berkley: University of California Press, 1981), 274–91.
9
Márcia Mello, “Desvendando outras Franciscas: mulheres cativas e as ações de liberdade na Amazônia colonial portuguesa,” Portuguese Studies Review 13 (2005): 1–16.
10
Fernanda Bombardi and Luma Prado, “As ações de liberdade de índias e índios escravizados no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará primeira metade do século XVIII,” Brasiliana 5 (2016): 174–199; André Ferreira, “Nas malhas das liberdades: o tribunal da Junta das Missões e o governo dos índios na capitania do Maranhão (1720-1757)” (MA Thesis, Universidade Federal do Pará, Belém, 2017), 133–84; and Luma Prado, “Cativos Litigantes: demandas indígenas por liberdade na Amazônia portuguesa, 1706-1759” (MA Thesis, Universidade de São Paulo, 2019), 144–69, 172–97.
11
Barbara Sommer, “Colony of the Sertão: Amazonian Expeditions and the Indian Slave Trade,” The Americas 61 (2005): 401–28.
12
There is vast literature on the transformation of religious missions into Indigenous villages. Barbara Sommer, “Negotiated Settlements: Native Amazonians and Portuguese Policy in Pará, Brazil, 1758-1798” (PhD diss., University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 2000); Angela Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos: colonização e relações de poder no norte do Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII (Lisboa: CNCDP, 2000); Mauro Coelho, “Do sertão para o mar: um estudo sobre a experiência portuguesa na América, a partir da colônia: O caso do Diretório dos Índios (1751-1798)” (PhD diss., Universidade de São Paulo, 2005); Patrícia Sampaio, Espelhos partidos: etnia, legislação e desigualdade na colônia (Manaus: EDUA, 2012); and Heather Roller, Amazonian Routes: Indigenous Mobility and Colonial Communities in Northern Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014). Some of these works recognized the existence of this Indigenous population living outside of the Indigenous villages: Domingues, Quando os índios, 179-185; Roller, Amazonian Routes, 190. There is also a growing literature on urban indios in Spanish America. Felipe Castro, “Los indios y la ciudad: Panorama y perspectivas de investigación,” in Los indios y las ciudades de Nueva España, ed. Felipe Castro (Mexico: UNAM, 2010), 9–33; and Dana Velasco, Urban Indians in a Silver City: Zacatecas, Mexico, 1546-1810 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016).
13
Tatiana Seijas, Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 5, 140–41, 223, 247; Nancy van Deusen, Global Indios: The Indigenous Struggle for Justice in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015), 12, 224–25; and Mónica Díaz, ed., To Be Indio in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2017), 4–5. Influential work on Brazilian Indigenous communities, Maria Almeida, Metamorfoses indígenas: identidade e cultura nas aldeias coloniais do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2013), 303.
14
Scholars have tried to understand the tutelage problem. Important contribution: Manuela Cunha and Nádia Farage, “Caráter da tutela dos índios: origens e metamorfoses,” in Os direitos dos índios: ensaios e documentos, ed. Manuela Cunha (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1987), 103–18. “False freedom” appears in John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London: Macmillan, 1987), 1–17; and “Political fiction” is in Nádia Farage, As muralhas dos sertões: os povos indígenas no rio Branco e a colonização (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1991), 47.
15
Bianca Premo, “As if She Were My Own: Love and Law in the Slave Society of Eighteenth-Century Peru,” in Sexuality and Slavery: Reclaiming Intimate Histories in the Americas, ed. Dania Ramey Berry and Leslie M. Harris (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2018), 71-87.
16
Silva, Luiz Geraldo, “‘Esperança de liberdade’. Interpetrações populares da abolição ilustrada (1773-1774),” Revista de História 144 (2001): 107–149CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For vernacular understandings of norms, Bianca Premo, The Enlightenment on Trial: Ordinary Litigants and Colonialism in the Spanish Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).
17
Literature discussing how workers asserted their freedom and structural and ideological limitations for it is mainly focused on Africans/African descendants. The literature is fast growing. Important examples: Sidney Chalhoub, Visões da liberdade: uma história das últimas décadas da escravidão na corte (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1990); Keila Grinberg, Liberata, a lei da ambigüidade: as ações de liberdade da corte de apelação do Rio de Janeiro no século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumará, 1994); Hebe Castro, Das cores do silêncio: os significados da liberdade no sudeste escravista, Brasil século XIX (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 1995); Chalhoub, Sidney, “The Precariousness of Freedom in a Slave Society (Brazil in the Nineteenth Century),” International Review of Social History 56 (2011): 405–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paes, Mariana, “O procedimento de manutenção de liberdade no Brasil Oitocentista,” Estudos Históricos 29 (2016): 339–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Michelle McKinley, Fractional Freedoms: Slavery, Intimacy, and Legal Mobilization in Colonial Lima, 1600-1700 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016); and Paes, Mariana, “Ser dependente no império do Brasil: terra e trabalho em processos judiciais,” Población & Sociedad 27 (2020): 8–29Google Scholar. The problem of Indigenous enslavement appears in the literature, but it is still not at the center: Alejandro de la Fuente and Ariela Gross, Becoming Free, Becoming Black: Race, Freedom, and Law in Cuba, Virginia, and Louisiana (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 199–217. A notable exception: Yuko Miki, Frontiers of Citizenship: A Black and Indigenous History of Postcolonial Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018). For the resilience of Indigenous forms of coerced labor: James Brooks, Captives & Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 34, 351–53, 363–67; and Andrés Reséndez, The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2016), 1, 9.
18
Hal Langfur and Maria Resende, “Indian Autonomy and Slavery in the Forests and Towns of Colonial Minas Gerais,” in Native Brazil: Beyond de Convert and the Cannibal, ed. Hal Langfur (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014), 132–65. John Monteiro found similar cases for São Paulo in the seventeenth century: Monteiro, Blacks of the Land, 208–12.
19
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 37, Doc. 3692. The freguesia de Nossa Senhora da Vitória had 475 households, 815 free white men, and 1,161 free white women (for a total of 1,976). There were 2,311 “enslaved men and diverse freed men” and 2,874 “enslaved and freed women” (for a total of 5,185).
20
The Municipal Council auctioned a contract to a settler responsible for the city's meat supply. The contract included the service of twenty Indigenous workers conscripted from one of the villages. APEM, CMSL, 12, f. 46v, 152, 179, 183, 211v.
21
Alcoholic drink made from sugarcane.
22
The Crown Judge (ouvidor) João Dinis counted only five sugar mills, contrasting with 120 engenhocas, or mills that produced aguardente. Chambouleyron, Rafael, “The ‘Government of the Sertões and Indians’: Aguardente, Sugar, and Indians in Colonial Amazonia (Seventeenth Century),” The Americas 77 (2020): 3–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23
According to the ouvidor João Dinis in 1751: AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 32, Doc. 3291.
24
Kenneth Maxwell, Conflicts & Conspiracies: Brazil and Portugal, 1750-1808 (New York: Routledge, 2004), 32–35; Gabriel Paquette, Imperial Portugal in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions: The Luso-Brazilian World, c. 1770–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 50–62.
25
Silva, Daniel, “The Atlantic Slave Trade to Maranhão, 1680–1846: Volume, Routes and Organisation,” Slavery & Abolition 29 (2008): 477–501CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Walter Hawthorne, From Africa to Brazil: Culture, Identity, and an Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 39–41, 51–53.
26
Pereira, Thales, “The Rise of the Brazilian Cotton Trade in Britain during the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Latin American Studies 50 (2018): 919–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
27
Tamar Herzog, “Struggling over Indians: Territorial Conflict and Alliance Making in the Heartland of South American (Seventeenth to Eighteenth Centuries),” in Empire by Treaty: Negoatiating European Expansion, 1600-1900, ed. Saliha Belmessous (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 92–94.
28
Domingues, Quando os índios, 66.
29
The text of the law: Carlos Neto, Índios da Amazônia, de maioria a minoria (1750-1850) (Rio de Janeiro: Vozes, 1988), 152–62. Sampaio, Patricia, “Fronteras de la libertad: Tutela indígena en el Directorio Pombalino y en la Carta Regia de 1798,” Boletín Americanista (2012): 13–23Google Scholar and Robeilton Gomes and Márcia Mello, “‘Sua Majestade é servida’? O processo de construção da Lei de Liberdade dos índios do Grão-Pará e Maranhão (1751-1759),” Saeculum—Revista de História 26 (2021): 473–87. A crucial point was to withdraw the administration of Indigenous labor from the religious order and place it under the secular administration of the empire.
30
Law of September 10 1611, Law of November 10 1647, and Law of April 1 1680.
31
APEM, CMSL, 88, f. 8v (1782). “Registro de um bando que pelas ruas desta cidade mandou lançar o Ilustríssimo e Excelentíssimo Senhor General deste Estado D. António Noronha sobre como se deve pagar os jornais aos índios.”
32
Francisco Xavier Mendonça Furtado to Governor Maranhão, Belém, November 10, 1752, in A Amazônia na era pombalina: Correspondência do Governador e Capitão-Genral do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, 1751-1759, ed. Marcos Mendonça (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (IHGB), 1963), tomo 1, 77.
33
APEM, CMSL, 86, f. 182v. “Registro de um bando que mandou lançar o Governador desta Capitania pelas ruas públicas desta cidade e a som de caixa sobre os índios não saírem fora das casas dos seus amos e o mais que nele se declara.”
34
Wills are stored in the ATJMA and published in Antonia Mota, Cripto Maranhenses e seu legado (São Paulo: Siciliano, 2011). The analysis of wills demonstrate the centrality of enslaved labor: 156 wills; 121 wills with slaves; average of seven slaves per will.
35
Mota, Cripto maranhenses, 108.
36
APEM, LRBFNSV, 106, f. 137v.
37
APEM, LRBFNSV, 103, f. 84.
38
APEM, LRBFNSV, 104, f. 209. There is no reason to think that servos(as) before the 1755 law were not slaves. For a discussion on the word in São Paulo, see Eliana Goldschmidt, Casamentos mistos: liberdade e escravidão em São Paulo colonial (São Paulo: Annablume, 2004), 149.
39
ATJMA, Registro Testamentos, Livro 1751–1756, f. 201.
40
A discussion of the registers (títulos) and progressive importance of written documents: Mariana Paes, Esclavos y tierras entre posesión y títulos: la construcción social del derecho de propriedad en Brasil (siglo XIX) (Frankfurt: Max Planck Institute for Legal History and Legal Theory, 2021), 79.
41
A quicker type of litigation.
42
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 73, Doc. 6319.
43
BNPT, PBA, 622, f. 83.
44
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 63, Doc. 5650. In this case, a copy of the queen's order in favor of índia Maria Joaquina was annexed.
45
AAM, Auditório Eclesiástico, Lista Nominal 06, Autos de Queixas e Denúncias, Doc. 936. To understand how the tribunal worked: Pollyanna Muniz, Réus de batina: justiça eclesiástica e clero secular no bispado do Maranhão colonial (São Paulo: Alameda, 2017), 73–124.
46
APEP, Secretaria Capitania, Correspondência Diversos Governo, Códice 267, f. 72–92, 106–131.
47
Sommer, Barbara, “Why Joanna Baptista Sold Herself into Slavery: Indian Women in Portuguese Amazonia, 1755–1798,” Slavery & Abolition 34 (2013): 77–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
48
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 45, Doc. 4387.
49
Bernardo appears in this instance as an “índio do sertão do Pará,” which meant that he was enslaved in the interior of Amazonia.
50
AAM, Autos da Câmara Eclesiástica/Episcopal, Lista Nominal 01, Autos Embargo, Cx. 2, doc. 10, f. 3v.
51
Ibid., f. 13.
52
Ibid., f. 13v.
53
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 60, doc. 5487.
54
A legal guardian of the interests of orphans and widows. That official had responsibilities over Indigenous workers. In a letter from the Governor Francisco Mendonça Furtado to the governor of Maranhão, the main concern was with Indigenous people who did not want to work and should be forced to do so. Francisco Xavier Mendonça Furtado to Governor Maranhão, Belém, August 30, 1757, in A Amazônia na era pombalina: Correspondência do Governador e Capitão-Genral do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, 1751-1759, ed. Marcos Mendonça (Rio de Janeiro: IHGB, 1963), tomo 3, 1132–33.
55
Land grants: AHU, CU, MA, Avulsos, Cx. 38, Doc. 3701 (1757) and AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 45, Doc. 4436 (1771). Cotton export: ANTT, Companhia Geral do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, Livro Entrada Partes 43, f. 5, 34, 44.
56
AAM, LRCFNSV, 84, f. 112.
57
Elected vereador in 1763: APEM, CMSL, 13, f. 30v.
58
He served as godfather for at least nineteen children in the sample analyzed. Commercial transactions with Francisco António Domingues: CTS, Livro Notas 01, f. 255.
59
AAM, LRBFNSV, 102, f. 10.
60
AAM, LRBFNSV, 106, f. 71v.
61
Mota, Cripto maranhenses, 136–40. The will was only opened 9 years later, on March 29, 1769, after Cecília's death.
62
AAM, LRCFNSV, 85, f. 141.
63
Mota, Cripto maranhenses, 238.
64
As it was recommended in the law of 1755. On the importance of different types of litigation: Fernanda Pinheiro, “Em defesa da liberdade: libertos e livres de cor nos tribunais do Antigo Regime português (Mariana e Lisboa, 1720-1819)” (PhD diss., Campinas, Unicamp, 2013), 137–41.
65
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 46, Doc. 4485 (1772).
66
Ibid., f. 6v–7.
67
Ibid., f. 8–9.
68
Ibid., f. 12–13.
69
A ladino(a) is an Indigenous person who learned the Portuguese language and ways. Damazia's legal status on baptismal records is ambiguous. She appears as both serva and “from the house of Araújo.” She was the godmother of at least six enslaved children, an extensive ritual kinship network among servile population in São Luís. Two were enslaved in the same household. One, Maria, was enslaved within Maranhão, a Timbira Indigenous woman, “captured in the troop led by Captain João Castelo Branco.” AAM, LRBFNSV, 103, f. 100.
70
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 46, Doc. 4485 (1772), f. 28.
71
Ibid., f. 33v. In fact, José Joaquim Vieira and Damazia da Costa married on June 25, 1759, 10 years before the death of Cecília da Costa (March 29, 1769). Viera appeared as the legitimate son of Bernardo Francisco and Bernarda Maria dos Santos, who migrated from Lisbon. Damazia da Costa, in turn, was the natural daughter of Gabriel da Costa and Dionísia, and a slave of Captain Domingos Araújo. AAM, LRCFNS, 85, f. 255.
72
Ibid., f. 38v.
73
Ibid., f. 49.
74
Ibid., f. 68v.
75
Ibid., f. 87v.
76
Ibid., f. 96.
77
Ibid., f. 98.
78
Ibid., f. 98. Visual analysis (inspeção ocular) emerged in other cases, such as the freedom suit of Helena, Francisca, and their sixteen children and grandchildren against Agostinho Domingues Siqueira. The Board of Missions decided that based on the visual analysis, they were descendants of Tupinambá Indians from Maranhão, as they claimed. BNPT, PBA 615, f. 243–45.
79
Ibid., f. 101–5.
80
Ibid., f. 115.
81
Ibid., f. 116v. The Board of Missions decided against the freedom of other plaintiffs based on African origin. Rita and Cecília lost their case against Francisco Abreu as the Board of Missions “judged them captives because they were daughters of the black Brígida, and Brígida was the daughter of the black Clara, who looked like a cafuza.” APEM, 01, f. 85v–86. Another similar decision was Feliciano, in 1760: APEM, 01, f. 90v–91v. Even before the abolition law of 1755, blacks were beyond the scope of the Board of Missions. The case against António Serrão, in 1743, was beyond the jurisdiction since those slaves were “blacks from Mina.” APEM, 01, f. 8.
82
The 1755 law indicated the court of appeal. Other cases presented the same strategy. This legal strategy likely explains why the case file is stored in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino. The case files were supposed to be sent for the Overseas Secretary's perusal.
83
ANTT, Mesa Consciência e Ordens, Secretaria da Mesa e Comum das Ordens, 225, f. 278.
84
257 manumission letters between two notary offices. Both Cartas de Liberdade and Escrituras de Alforria.
85
CTS, Livro Notas 10, f. 101v–102.
86
AHU, CU, Avulsos, MA, Cx. 104, Doc. 8313.
87
Nazzari, Muriel, “Transition toward Slavery: Changing Legal Practice Regarding Indians in Seventeenth-Century São Paulo,” The Americas 49 (1992): 131–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
